Collectivism in Islamic Religious Practices

Introduction

Religion represents an important tie between the individual and the larger social group, both as a basis of association and as an expression of shared meaning (McGuire: 2002). McGuire eloquently states the idea of collectivism in religion by describing religion as a representation of an expression of shared meaning.

Religion is represented by individuals at a personal level and in group settings. Many followers of different religions and belief systems gather in groups for religious practices or social reasons under the rubric of their religious affiliation. That is, the gathering serves not only as a means to achieve religious outcomes it also becomes the reason for social interaction with religions as the uniting and binding factor across the group.

There seems to be a sense of togetherness and purpose in people coming together for religious reasons. A community of believers maintains a meaning system and mediates it to the individual (McGuire: 2002). Granted that humans are social animals but why do they come together in the name of religion or religious practices? What do they gain from getting together for religion? How is this group effort helping individuals in their faith which is a matter of one's personal beliefs? What is the purpose of this collectivism in religion? How do religious practices bring people together and strengthen the bond among members of society. This paper aims to explore collectivism in religious practices along with the sociological perspective with respect to Islamic faith. The objective is to understand how religious practices reflect collectivism and how this collectivism promotes, help, and support a Muslim in his or her faith and the overall society. The discussion will also include a summary of an email survey that was performed on the subject.

Religious Practices in Islam: The Sociality

Before the discussion of the collective sociality of the religious practices, it is imperative to briefly understand the religious practices in Islam and their nature.

There are five major pillars of Islam that hold the infrastructure of a Muslim's belief system. These five pillars are Shahadah (testimony of faith), Salah (daily obligatory prayers), Sawm (fasting in the holy month of Ramadhan), Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca), and Zakat (paying alms to the poor and the needy Muslims). These religious practices are obligatory upon a Muslim. In addition to these pillars of Islam which are to be executed practically as religious practices, there are other religious practices, for e.g., observance of Hijab (headscarf) for women, praying in congregation, acquisition of basic Islamic knowledge to conduct their affairs, and giving of Charity holds a central place in Islamic teachings. All of these acts of worship and religious practices are carried out individually by a Muslim but they contain the spirit of collectivism in reality.

The following section explores the obligatory acts of worship and other religious practices in terms of how they are ordained to be carried out, the collectivism that they contain, the positive outcomes of this collectivism for an individual and society, and their observed societal trends.

Shahdah (Testimony of faith)

This is the article of faith that every Muslim child is taught as soon as he or she learns to speak. This is also the very first pillar of Islam. In addition, this is the proclamation of conversion and the very first step that is taken by an individual who wishes to convert to Islam. This involves the saying of "There is no God but Allah and Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) is his messenger".

In the West, usually, the testimony of faith for new converts to Islam takes place at a mosque or in a group setting. Even though, this is an individual act of the new convert but this provides him or her with the sense of belonging to a larger group while the larger group reaffirms their existence as a larger group and revive their meaning. According to Durkheim, individual members learn and reaffirm their meaning system by participating in group rituals and they renew their link to the group by doing so (McGuire: 2002). Suddenly, after taking the Shahadah, the new convert becomes the part of a large social group and acquires a sense of belonging and support from the larger group. This is the group that may later help the new convert to grow in the newly acquired belief system. If the new convert to Islam will never interact with the larger Muslim group in a group setting then it will be hard for him or her to grow in the chosen belief system. The sheer existence of the opportunity to associate with other people who share the same meaning is crucial to the growth and development of one's faith, specially, the new converts. Shahadah acts as a cohesive factor to bring the new convert closer to the other followers of the faith.

It is not to say that the new converts who take Shahadah in a group setting are the only ones who will benefit from the larger group interaction. The value of their first step taken into a new faith in a group setting promotes a sense of belonging and serves as encouragement for further growth. Complete strangers present in the group congratulate and befriend the new convert and give him or her familial sense by virtue of shared religious beliefs. Contact numbers are exchanged and new ties are formed. I have personally witnessed a few Shahadahs and can attest to the fact that the presence of a larger group has a deep and profound impact on the new convert's sense of belonging and desire to grow in the newly chosen belief system.

Salah (Prayer)

Five daily prayers are the second pillar of Islam and are obligatory upon every adult and sane Muslim. For men, obligatory prayers are to be performed in congregation and it is "mandatory" for them to do so. Drawing the observations from Pakistan, which is an Islamic country, mosques are at every nook and corner, and serve as a centralized place for social interaction five times a day. Men interact with other fellow men and exchange information about each other's lives which are later conveyed to the women at home. This frequent flow of information promotes an overall sense of awareness about each other's life in a communal sense.

In Pakistani culture, it is not a social trend for women to attend mosques, even though there is not a religious restriction which prevents them from attending mosques. In Pakistan, where Muslim women do not go to the mosque, the congregation prayer may not serve as a platform for sociality but in the West it exactly achieves the goal. The trend is different for the Pakistani families living in the